Arkansas Abortion Statistics

Steve Goldstein
Steve Goldstein
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Arkansas Abortion Statistics 2023: Facts about Abortion in Arkansas reflect the current socio-economic condition of the state.


LLCBuddy editorial team did hours of research, collected all important statistics on Arkansas Abortion, and shared those on this page. Our editorial team proofread these to make the data as accurate as possible. We believe you don’t need to check any other resources on the web for the same. You should get everything here only 🙂

Are you planning to start an Arkansas LLC business in 2023? Maybe for educational purposes, business research, or personal curiosity, whatever it is – it’s always a good idea to gather more information.

How much of an impact will Arkansas Abortion Statistics have on your day-to-day? or the day-to-day of your LLC Business? How much does it matter directly or indirectly? You should get answers to all your questions here.

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Top Arkansas Abortion Statistics 2023

☰ Use “CTRL+F” to quickly find statistics. There are total 137 Arkansas Abortion Statistics on this page 🙂

Arkansas Abortion “Latest” Statistics

  • In Arkansas, 41% of abortions performed on minors from Mississippi and Tennessee happened at 16 weeks or later.[1]
  • The bulk of abortions recorded in Arkansas (61% ) included women in their twenties, with women in their early twenties (30% ) and women in their later twenties (30% ).[2]
  • Larger unplanned pregnancy rates and a higher proportion of unwanted pregnancies ending in abortion have been linked to non-Hispanic black women’s comparably higher abortion rates and ratios.[3]
  • Minors aged 15 or younger who had an abortion were less likely than those aged 17 to get a waiver odds ratio of 0.2 and 10% of all minor abortions were performed via the judicial bypass process.[4]
  • According to the Charlotte Lozier Institute, Arkansas had 5.1 abortions per 1000 women aged 15 to 44 in 2019, a decrease of almost 4% from the previous year.[2]
  • A significant fraction of adolescents in Arkansas who choose to have abortions reflects the 10% of minors who did so via the bypass option.[5]
  • In Arkansas, 89% of reported abortions were single women. 10% were on married women and one was on women of unknown marital status.[6]
  • Women in their 20s accounted for most abortions—57.7%—among the 48 locations that provided abortion numbers by women’s age for 2018; they also had the highest abortion rates—19.1 and 18.5 abortions per 1,000 women aged 20-24 and 25-29, respectively.[3]
  • However, although 10% to 15% of abortions on minors in these jurisdictions were performed using a bypass, Arkansas and Texas are likewise assigned ratings of F21.[1]
  • From 2009 to 2018, the proportion of all abortions conducted by early medical abortion climbed by 12% among regions that included medical abortion in their reporting form.[3]
  • Twenty of abortions to minors performed in Arkansas were to nonresidents of the state but they represented 24% of all minors whose abortions were got via a judicial bypass.[1]
  • Although there were only 100 abortions among Hispanics throughout the research period, which makes it difficult to draw any general conclusions, they were more likely to have the bypass technique.[1]
  • Opinions on abortion: very significant, somewhat crucial, not that significant, not at all crucial, and not sure samples taken almost always legal are 57%, 20%, 13%, 10%, and 1%, respectively.[7]
  • Another unexpected result was that 63, or 12%, of the 525 non-resident adolescents who had abortions in Arkansas during the research period did so by using the state’s courts to prevent parental participation.[1]
  • The proportion of out-of-state residents who had abortions varied by reporting location, ranging from 4% in Arizona to 65.4% in the District of Columbia.[3]
  • Opinions on abortion parents and non-parents legal sample size in almost all situations 30% and 70%, respectively.[7]
  • In Arkansas, suction techniques accounted for 46% of abortions, while dilation and evacuation were used in 12% of cases.[2]
  • Chemical abortions increased by 39% from 1,237 in 2019 to 17.2 in 2020, accounting for 55% of all abortions that year.[6]
  • According to Gallup poll results, Hispanics are more likely than whites to approve substantial limits on abortion.[1]
  • African American women experienced a majority of the abortions recorded in Arkansas, accounting for 46% of all abortions in the state.[2]
  • In 2017, 16% of facilities were abortion clinics, with over 50% of patient visits being for abortions. 35% were general clinics. Hospitals made up 33%, while private doctors’ offices made up 16%.[8]
  • 50% of abortions among women who were eligible at 9 weeks gestation were early, medical abortions.[3]
  • The latter accounted for 20% of all abortions to minors got in the state and, on average, they ended 36 weeks later than resident minors.[1]
  • Compared to the 1,671 facilities in 2014, there were 1,587 facilities offering abortions in the united states in 2017. This is a 5% drop.[8]
  • During the last ten years, around three-quarters of abortions were carried out at nine weeks of gestation; from 2009 to 2018, this number rose from 74.2% to 76.2%.[3]
  • If relevant, intrauterine instillation or hysterectomy/hysterotomy abortions were uncommon (0.1%-0.8% ).[3]
  • Three minor girls under the age of 18 and 10% of females under the age of 19 in Arkansas had abortions.[2]
  • Abortions in Arkansas were done on state residents in 88% of cases in 2020, while abortions on women from other states made up 12% of cases.[6]
  • Women in their twenties made up 61% of those who had abortions, while women between the ages of 20 and 24 made up 31% and women between the ages of 25 and 29 made up 30%.[6]
  • Based on 477,922 abortions reported in the regions that satisfied the requirements for reporting the number of prior induced abortions, the percentage represents that amount.[3]
  • For these 48 reporting locations, the percentage change in abortion measures from the most recent year 2017 to 2018 and for the 10-year study period 2009 to 2018 were estimated.[3]
  • As a result, there were 13.5 abortions per 1,000 women of reproductive age in 15-44, which is an 8% drop from the rate of 14.6 in 2014.[8]
  • While 58% of individuals who had the bypass operation were children under the age of 17, 43% of abortions were performed on them.[1]
  • Since up to 42% of unwanted pregnancies in the united states result in abortion, abortion surveillance indicates unintended pregnancies, even if pregnancy intentions may be difficult to determine.[3]
  • According to research done in the United States in the 1970s, surgical abortion operations carried out between 6 weeks and 7-12 weeks gestation were less likely to successfully end the pregnancy.[3]
  • 33% of the abortions were performed on women who had never given birth to a live baby, 26% on those who had given birth to a live baby, and 41% on those who had over one.[6]
  • In the 42 locations where data on marital status for 2018 was published, 14.8% of women who had abortions were married, while 85.2% were single.[3]
  • Similarly to that, 94% of the total number of abortions reported by the Guttmacher Institute for the same year in the other 10 states with bypass instances.[1]
  • Contrarily, compared to 73%–80% of women in older age groups, 21.7% of adolescents aged 15 and 10% of those aged 15–19 years had abortions after 13 weeks of pregnancy.[3]
  • According to the study, 86 abortions needed parental approval, including 72 on girls under the age of 18, two on women between the ages of 20 and 24, and one on a woman between the ages of 25 and 29.[6]
  • Compared to women from other racial and ethnic groups, non-Hispanic black women received an abortion at 9 weeks of pregnancy at a rate of 73.3% in 30 reporting locations.[3]
  • In around 12% of instances, it was unclear whether the abortion was carried out with parental approval or via a bypass. In more recent years, however, that number has decreased significantly.[1]
  • While the overall rate of reported abortions decreased from 2009 to 2018, the number and rate of reported abortions climbed by 1% and the abortion ratio increased by 2% between 2017 and 2018.[3]
  • For instance, according to the CDC, among the 38 states that supplied data in 2010, 11% of all abortions to women happened at 13 weeks or later and 48% at 16 weeks or later.[1]
  • Similarly, early medical abortion protocols have made it possible to execute abortions at an early stage of pregnancy. The success rates of protocols, including mifepristone and misoprostol, have reached 96%-98%.[3]
  • However, further technological developments, such as enhanced transvaginal ultrasonography and sensitivity of pregnancy testing, enabled the performance of extremely early surgical abortions with completion rates surpassing 97%.[3]
  • A more recent poll in Ohio found that 95% of children using a judicial bypass for an abortion were at least 16 years old and that older minors were more likely to petition the courts for an abortion without parental participation.[1]
  • From 2009 to 2013, the number of abortions increased from 17.1% to 22.7%-33%, and from 2014 to 2018, the number of abortions increased from 23.3% to 37.7%-62%.[3]
  • The proportion of abortions carried out at 13 weeks of gestation in 2018 and between 2009–2018 remained continuously low at 90%.[3]
  • According to data from the present research, 10% of all abortions performed on minors in Arkansas after passaging the consent statute in 2005 were performed using a judicial bypass method.[5]
  • Although birth statistics are based on an almost complete accounting of every birth in the nation, pregnancy statistics also include an estimate of the number of miscarriages and abortions based on a variety of reporting methods and surveys.[9]
  • 97% of Arkansas counties lacked abortion facilities in 2017, and 77% of Arkansas women lived in those counties.[8]
  • In this study, teens aged 19 who had abortions at 13 weeks gestation were more likely to do so than women of later ages who also had abortions.[3]
  • Regression analysis revealed that white kids were less likely than Hispanic minors to utilize the bypass technique to achieve an abortion.[5]
  • Most abortions occurred at 9 weeks gestation in each category for these parameters.[3]
  • 88% of non-Hispanic black women had abortions after 13 weeks of pregnancy, compared to 65%-81% of women in the other racial and ethnic categories. These differences in abortion rate after 13 weeks of pregnancy were modest.[3]
  • Legal bypass and its consequences in ten of the 972 abortions among minors in Arkansas were got through the judicial bypass process.[5]
  • The proportion of abortions conducted at 13 weeks gestation dropped a little from 91.8% to 91.5% among the 34 reporting locations that supplied data on gestational age per year during 2009–2018.[3]
  • In Arkansas, 5% of abortions were carried out between 11 and 12 weeks post-fertilization and 14% happened between 9 and 10 weeks.[6]
  • Finally, bypass use was more common among adolescents who had abortions in 2006 compared to those who did so in 2005.[5]
  • There were 157 abortions, 60% of which were performed on juveniles under the age of 17, where there was no sign of parental permission or a bypass but the children may have been emancipated.[1]
  • Hispanics made up 9% of all kinds who received abortions by a judicial bypass in Arkansas, but only 4% of all minors who had abortions.[1]
  • Between 2014 and 2017, Arkansas’s abortion rate decreased by 30%, from 8.0 to 5.5 abortions per 1000 women of reproductive age.[8]
  • 40.7%, 24.8%, 19.8%, and 14.7% of the women who had abortions in 2018 had zero, one, two, or three or more prior live births, according to data from the 43 locations that provided the number of previous live births for those women. Table 7.[3]
  • States passed 483 new abortion restrictions between January 1, 2011, and July 1, 2019, making up roughly 40% of all abortion restrictions passed by states in the decades following Roe v. Wade.[8]
  • Chemical abortions rose by 26% during the same period, from 979 in 2017 to 1,237 in 2019. The abortion-inducing drugs safety act may have had an influence on the number of chemical abortions in Arkansas.[2]
  • At 14-20 weeks of gestation, only 69%, or at 21 weeks of gestation, only 10% of abortions.[3]
  • According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 11.4% of the abortions carried out in Arkansas were out-of-state.[10]
  • In Arkansas, 4% of abortions were carried out between 13 and 14 weeks after conception, and 4% between 15 and 17 weeks.[2]
  • About 61% of the about 450,000 teenage pregnancies countrywide in 2013 ended in live births, while 24% resulted in abortions, and 15% resulted in miscarriages or stillbirths, according to a Pew Research Center study from 2019.[11]
  • No change in the number of clinics since 2014, when there were four institutions offering abortions, of which three were clinics. In 2017, 89% of U.S. counties had no clinics providing abortions.[8]
  • These reporting locations account for 78%-98% of all abortions reported to the CDC by gestational age between 2009 and 2018.[3]
  • According to the Charlotte Lozier Institute, the abortion rate in Arkansas rose by 6% in 2020 to 5.5 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15 to 44.[6]
  • Contrarily, just 11% of those who utilized the bypass had abortions, while 28% of those were performed on juveniles 15 years old or younger.[1]
  • Between 45% and 89% of the abortions reported by the Guttmacher Institute are also recorded by various state health authorities.[1]
  • Beginning overall highlight 9% of abortions with an unknown residency were reported to the CDC.[3]
  • When we separated the data by race and ethnicity, we could show that non-Hispanic black minors, of whom 34% had a second-trimester abortion compared to 13% of non-Hispanic white minors, were primarily responsible for the delay in pregnancy termination among minors.[1]
  • In Arkansas, 87% of abortions were performed on single women, while just 13% were done on married women.[2]
  • In those counties, 38% of women of reproductive age resided, meaning they would have had to travel elsewhere to have an abortion. Of the patients who had an abortion in 2014, one-third had to travel over 25 miles one way to reach a facility 2.[8]
  • For the years 2009–2018, 48 reporting locations supplied data on 614,820 abortions or 99.2% of the total.[3]
  • Contrarily, women over the age of 40 and teenagers under the age of 15 had the lowest abortion rates, at 0.4 and 2.6 per 1,000, and the lowest percentages of abortions, at 2.0% and 3.6%, respectively.[3]
  • National birth statistics from 2009 to 2018 show 54%. Reduction in birth rates for teenagers aged 15 to 19 years, while the data in this paper show a 55% reduction in abortion rates for the same age group.[3]
  • 43% of Minnesotan adolescents who had abortions in 1984 reported using the state’s waiver process.[5]
  • The group also calculated that, in 2019, 40 million or 58% of American women of reproductive age resided in states that restrict access to abortion.[12]
  • Three of the abortions were done on females under the age of 18, while seven were performed on girls aged 18 to 19.[6]
  • Approximately 40% of children who had abortions in Arkansas would not have told their parents if the consent statute hadn’t been in place, according to national statistics.[5]
  • Ten of the 972 abortions among minors in Arkansas were got through the judicial bypass process.[5]
  • At 7-9 weeks gestation, 93.8% of abortions were surgical, or 55.3%. 97.9% of abortions at 21 weeks gestation and 98.4% at 10-20 weeks gestation.[3]
  • Women with one past abortion received 5% of the abortions, whereas women with two or more prior abortions received 16% of the abortions.[6]
  • Six of the minors had previously had an induced abortion, and a further six had previously experienced a live birth or a spontaneous abortion.[1]
  • The number of reported abortions, abortion ratio, and abortion rate all fell between 2009 and 2018. The total number of reported abortions fell by 22% (from 786,621), 24% from 14.9 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15-44 years, and 16% from 22.4 abortions per 1,000 live births, respectively.[3]
  • However, in the sample, Arkansas’ overall abortion rate accounted for 96% of the abortions reported by the Guttmacher Institute in 2008, 2010, and 2011.[1]
  • If Texas and Arkansas aren’t included, the average for all 11 states is 77% of abortions to minors acquired via a bypass, but it drops to 20%.[1]
  • Women in their thirties got 26% of abortions in Arkansas, while 3% were done to those 40 or older.[6]
  • National birth statistics from 2009 to 2018 show a 54% reduction in birth rates for teenagers aged 15 to 19 years, while the data in this paper show a 55% reduction in abortion rates for the same age group.[3]
  • Among the 40 areas that reported abortions, categorized by individual weeks of gestation and method type, surgical abortion accounted for the largest percentage of abortions within every gestational age category except 6 weeks gestation.[3]
  • According to research done in the united states in the 1970s, surgical abortion operations carried out between 6 weeks and 7-12 weeks gestation were less likely to successfully end the pregnancy.[3]
  • These reporting locations account for 78% 98% of all abortions reported to the CDC by gestational age between 2009 and 2018.[3]

Arkansas Abortion “Adolescent” Statistics

  • Compared to moms 20 to 21 years old, boys of adolescent mothers are 22 times more likely to end up in prison.[13]
  • In Arkansas, 22% of all adolescents who abort a pregnancy and 34% of black non-Hispanic minors who do so do so in the second trimester.[1]
  • For instance, Massachusetts has had a 59% fall in its adolescent birth rate since 2010, going from 17 to 1,000 to only 7.[14]
  • The U.S. adolescent birth rate reached its peak during the 1950s and 1960s, or during the period known as the baby boomer era, with 96.3 births per 1,000 females aged 15-19.[11]
  • Consider the fact that a teen birth rate of 26.5 births per 1,000 adolescent females is a proportion of 26.5% of young girls giving birth each year to understand the differences.[9]
  • Because of their location in rural regions, several counties in West Virginia have extraordinarily high adolescent birth rates of up to 4.8 per 1,000 women.[15]
  • About 19% of adolescent births in West Virginia are to minors who are already parents, and about 79% of teen births there are to older youths 18 or 19 years old.[15]
  • The 25.9% child poverty rate in New Mexico is a significant contributor to adolescent pregnancies.[15]
  • The adolescent birth rate in Alabama has significantly declined over the previous several decades, by around 63% since 1991.[15]
  • The high adolescent birth rates in this area are likely caused by social and economic constraints, as well as a lack of access to good healthcare and health education Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.[16]
  • Since its launch in 2009, Colorado’s family planning initiative has increased the use of LARC to prevent unintended pregnancies, and between 2009 and 2012, it lowered the adolescent birth rate by 5%.[17]
  • In Alabama, 74% of adolescent births occur to older youths ages 18 to 19, and 16% occur to minors who are already parents.[15]
  • Abortion rates declined across the board from 2009 to 2018, while adolescents had higher declines than women in all older age categories, by 64% and 55%, respectively, for adolescents aged 15 to 19 years.[3]
  • According to the county-level data, adolescent birth rates are higher in areas where there are more people living in poverty, fewer people have bachelor’s degrees, or where a larger proportion of people are under the age of 17.[16]
  • Since 2000, the rates of adolescent births have fallen precipitously in Dallas county (85% ), Desha county (77% ), and Boone county (74% ).[18]
  • In Arkansas, 22% of all adolescents abort a pregnancy and 34% of black non-Hispanic minors do so in the second trimester.[1]

Arkansas Abortion “Teen” Statistics

  • Besides terminating the pregnancy 11 weeks sooner on average than minors who had acquired parental authorization, teens who utilized the bypass option were less likely than those who had done so to undergo a second.[4]
  • 55% of pregnancies among all Arkansas women, not just teenagers, are classified as unplanned by the mothers themselves.[9]
  • According to statistics from 2015 provided by the Arkansas Department of Health, Arkansas has the highest birth rate in the nation among teenagers between the ages of 15 and 19.[11]
  • Compared to sons born to moms who are even 20 or 21 years old, sons born to teenagers are more than twice as likely to be in prison as adults.[11]
  • However, rates fell the greatest among teenagers of Hispanic and Native American descent, plummeting 68% and 83%, respectively, since 2000.[18]

Arkansas Abortion “Pregnancy” Statistics

  • Smoking during pregnancy declined by 19% between 2014 and 2019, from 15% to 12.1% of live births. Between 2013–2014 and 2018–2019 measures Arkansas 2021, the percentage of women aged 18–44 reporting frequent mental discomfort rose by 33%, from 19.3% to 25.6%.[17]
  • These data showed that the likelihood that a non-Hispanic black minor would abort her pregnancy in the second trimester was over three times higher.[1]
  • Minors who used the judicial bypass had significantly lowered the odds of aborting a pregnancy at 13 weeks or later than those who did not use it.[1]

Arkansas Abortion “Gestation” Statistics

  • The data for Arkansas in 2010 was almost identical 11.2% and 47%, respectively. The CDC did not provide further categorization by age and gestational age.[1]

Arkansas Abortion “Other” Statistics

  • According to research from the National Institutes of Health Archives, among young individuals with a history of foster care, 49% of young women get pregnant and 33% of young men report having a partner by the age of 21.[11]
  • According to the latest current statistics, the percentage of unplanned pregnancies in the united states declined from 51% in 2008 to 45% in 2011–2013.[3]
  • Minors aged 15 or less were less likely to use a bypass than were 17-year-olds, and there were no differences between 16 and 17-year-olds, showing that age was still a significant predictor.[5]
  • We showed that, compared to their younger white and multigravida peers, juveniles who used the courts to avoid engaging their parents were more likely to be Hispanic, aged 17, and have had fewer prior pregnancies.[1]
  • Thirty were carried out before five weeks, thirty between five and six weeks after fertilization, and forty-three happened at six weeks or earlier.[6]
  • The percentage of recent live births among women who experienced intimate partner violence before becoming pregnant is 48%.[17]
  • At 13 weeks or later, 22% of minors ended their pregnancies, while 11% did so at 16 weeks or later.[1]
  • Since 1991, Arkansas has sought to cut the rate in half, yet the same counties with the worst rates remained at the top of the list.[19]
  • Most minors who selected this option were 15-year-olds or younger, 34% were 16yearolds, and 55% were 17year.[5]
  • 155 instances were reported. 59% of cases in which the child was under the age of 17 and could not have been emancipated had no evidence that permission had been sought or a bypass operation had been allowed.[1]
  • In New Mexico, 81% of minors who gave birth in 2017 were Hispanic, as were 55.1% of female youths aged 15 to 19 who identify as Hispanic.[15]
  • It is not unexpected that older kids are much more likely to utilize the bypass option than minors 15 or younger, and this conclusion is in line with other research on bypass surgeries.[5]
  • Abortions performed on non-Hispanic black minors were 34% performed at 13 weeks or later and 18% at 16 weeks or later.[1]
  • Differences are probably because only 31 reporting regions provided CDC with race and ethnicity data that complied with its reporting guidelines.[3]

Also Read

How Useful is Arkansas Abortion

There are many reasons why people seek abortions, and the decision to terminate a pregnancy is never one that is taken lightly. For some, it may be a matter of personal choice, financial considerations, health risks, or complex personal circumstances. Regardless of the reasons behind the decision, access to safe and legal abortion services is essential to protect the health and well-being of individuals. By restricting access to abortions, we risk pushing people towards dangerous and illegal procedures, with potentially devastating consequences.

Proponents of stricter abortion regulations often argue that they are aimed at protecting the rights of the unborn, but in practice, such restrictions can have far-reaching consequences for individuals and communities. By limiting access to abortion services, we can inadvertently exacerbate existing social and economic inequalities, particularly for those who are already marginalized and vulnerable. Without the ability to make choices about their own bodies and futures, individuals may find themselves trapped in cycles of poverty and desperation, with few options for a better life.

Moreover, the debate around abortion often becomes focused on issues of morality and personal beliefs, rather than on the practical implications of restrictive legislation. By framing the discussion in terms of political ideology or religious beliefs, we risk overlooking the very real consequences that abortion restrictions can have on people’s lives. It is important to remember that behind every statistic or legislative proposal, there are real individuals who are in need of support and compassion.

As we grapple with the implications of abortion regulations in Arkansas and beyond, it is crucial to examine the underlying motivations behind such measures. Are these restrictions truly aimed at protecting individuals and promoting their well-being, or are they driven by political agendas or personal beliefs? By digging deeper into the reasons behind such legislation, we can better understand how useful these restrictions really are, and whether they serve the best interests of the people they purport to protect.

In the end, the question of how useful Arkansas abortion restrictions truly are is a complex and multifaceted one. It requires us to look beyond the surface-level arguments and consider the broader implications of such measures on individuals and communities. By approaching the issue with empathy and understanding, we can work towards finding solutions that respect the rights and dignity of all individuals involved.


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