California Abortion Statistics

Steve Goldstein
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California Abortion Statistics 2023: Facts about Abortion in California reflect the current socio-economic condition of the state.


LLCBuddy editorial team did hours of research, collected all important statistics on California Abortion, and shared those on this page. Our editorial team proofread these to make the data as accurate as possible. We believe you don’t need to check any other resources on the web for the same. You should get everything here only 🙂

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Top California Abortion Statistics 2023

☰ Use “CTRL+F” to quickly find statistics. There are total 183 California Abortion Statistics on this page 🙂

California Abortion “Latest” Statistics

  • Most women who had abortions in the District of Columbia and the 47 states that submitted data to the CDC in 2019 were in their 20s (57% ).[1]
  • According to the CDC, 40% of the forty-one of women who had abortions in 2019 had no prior live births at the time of the procedure.[1]
  • However, between 2014 and 2020, this same age group also had the abortion rate’s highest decrease, a 32% decrease.[2]
  • In 1972, women from outside their state of residency underwent 41% of all abortions in DC or the 20 states that supplied the CDC with this information.[1]
  • According to Guttmacher, there were 789 clinics, 1,405 hospitals, and 714 doctor’s offices among the 2,908 establishments in the U.S. that performed abortions in 1982.[1]
  • Most Californians now favor Roe v. Wade’s guarantee of access to abortion, with 77% of adults saying it shouldn’t be reversed.[2]
  • States passed 483 new abortion restrictions between January 1, 2011, and July 1, 2019, making up roughly 40% of all abortion restrictions passed by states in the decades following Roe v. Wade.[3]
  • For instance, the number of abortions performed in New York for Connecticut citizens decreased by 39% from 98 in 19.7 to 60 in 1973.[4]
  • There were differences in the proportion of out-of-state residents who had abortions, ranging from 0.5% in Arizona to 68.7% in the District of Columbia.[5]
  • From 2010 to 2019, the proportion of all abortions by early medical abortion climbed by 12.3% among regions that reported by technique type and included medical abortion in their reporting form.[5]
  • 90% of abortions with known gestation in 1971 were carried out in the first four months of pregnancy, making births from the same conception cohort in 1972 around six months later.[4]
  • According to research done in the United States in the 1970s, surgical abortion operations carried out between 6 weeks and 7-12 weeks gestation were less likely to successfully end the pregnancy.[5]
  • The number of abortions rose by 2% from 2018 to 2019. The abortion rate increased by 0.9% and the abortion ratio increased by 3%.[5]
  • Guttmacher observed a 2% rise between 2014 and 2017 when examining clinics alone, which is the total number of specialized and nonspecialized clinics for abortion in the U.S.[1]
  • According to statistics from Guttmacher, the three reporting regions of California, Maryland, and New Hampshire handled around 19% of all abortions performed in the U.S. in 2017.[1]
  • According to information from the Guttmacher Institute, these are the ten states with the highest abortion rates in 2020.[6]
  • Eighty-seven percent of the 480,259 legal abortions documented in the U.S. were carried out in these six states, although New York accounted for 84% of all known abortions carried out outside of a woman’s state of residency.[4]
  • Among the 43 areas that reported gestational age at the time of abortion for 2019, 79.3% of abortions were performed at 9 weeks gestation and nearly all 92.7% were performed at 13 weeks gestation.[5]
  • According to the CDC, two women died in the U.S. in 2018 through induced abortions, both of which were legal.[1]
  • Only 3% of abortions were performed that year in hospitals, which made up 33% of the institutions offering these services, and 1% were done in doctor’s offices.[1]
  • The proportion of abortions carried out at 13 weeks of gestation remained low during 2010–2019 at 90%.[5]
  • The age categories had a decline in abortion rates from 2010 to 2019, although teenagers experienced the largest declines—by 60% and 50%, respectively—among all older age groups.[5]
  • When compared to the mean abortion rate of the 12 states where New York is most likely to be the location of legal abortion in the years prior to roe, this is a reduction of 12.2%.[4]
  • While equal percentages of young girls who were pregnant and non-Hispanic white had abortions—40% and 38%, respectively—the percentage among Hispanics was lower, 29%.[7]
  • For these 48 reporting locations, the percentage change in abortion measures from the most recent past year 2018 to 2019 and for the 10 years of study 2010 to 2019 were computed.[5]
  • Between 2014 and 2017, California’s abortion rate dropped by 16%, from 19.5 to 16.4 abortions per 1,000 women of reproductive age.[3]
  • Although birth statistics are based on an almost complete accounting of every birth in the nation, pregnancy statistics also include an estimate of the number of miscarriages and abortions based on a variety of reporting methods and surveys.[8]
  • The lowest rates of abortion—0.4 and 2.7 per 1,000 women aged 15 to 40—were seen in age groups that made up 20% and 37% of all abortions.[5]
  • Nearly 14 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15 to 44 occur in the state on average, which is more than the national average. However, since 2014, the state’s abortion rate has decreased by twice as much as the national average, which has decreased by 8%.[9]
  • The more local abortion options were accessible beginning in 1973, the less likely a woman was to go to New York for an abortion, and 2 the less likely she was to end her pregnancy in the state.[4]
  • Although the organisation claims that 84% of abortions tallied in the most recent effort were based on direct information from healthcare institutions, it contains some guesses and does not account for self.[6]
  • Currently, 87% of all counties in the United States do not have an abortion provider and 35% of women of reproductive age live in these counties.[10]
  • From 2010 to 2019, the total number of reported abortions abortion rate and the abortion ratio decreased by 18% (from 762,755) 13% from 22.5 abortions per 1,000 live births and 21% from 14.4 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15 to 44, respectively.[5]
  • We infer that before Roe, women from the 13 states with the darkest skin tones were more likely to get legal abortions in New York.[4]
  • Compared to states where abortion was not legalized until roe, both studies revealed that birth rates fell by around 4% more in the early legalizing or reforming states.[4]
  • 2020 had 154060 abortions nationwide, with 16.5% of those abortions occurring in California.[11]
  • The majority of abortions occurred at 9 weeks gestation in each category for these parameters.[5]
  • However, according to agency statistics, women between the ages of 20 and 29 handled about 57% of abortions in 2019.[6]
  • According to the CDC, the number of women dying each year through induced abortions has fluctuated from two to twelve since 1990.[1]
  • For instance, it is uncertain if abortion rates would decrease if the number of abortion facilities in New York suddenly dropped by, say, 25%.[4]
  • Using solely New York City data, it was calculated that 65,000 abortions per 100,000 people in the city in the first year of the legislation were replaced by around 18,000 births six months later, resulting in a ratio of 0.278, which is quite similar to the ratio of our two reduced versions.[4]
  • Some 38% of reproductive-age women lived in those counties and would have had to travel elsewhere to get an abortion. One-third of patients who had an abortion in 2014 had to travel over 25 miles one way to get there.[3]
  • Among the 42 areas that were reported by marital status for 2019, 14.5% of women who got an abortion were married and 85.5% were unmarried.[5]
  • According to Guttmacher statistics, 930,160 abortions occurred in the U.S. in 2020, an increase of 1% over 2019.[6]
  • According to the Guttmacher figures, the number of persons who would travel to California for abortion treatment might rise by up to 30% per year.[12]
  • Around 19% of all abortions in the united states were done in these states in 2017, the most recent year for which statistics are available from the Guttmacher Institute’s nationwide survey of abortion.[5]
  • One-fourth of women 25% who had abortions in 2019 had one previous live birth 20% of people had two prior live births. 9% had three and 6% had four or more previous live births.[1]
  • Both sets of statistics show that women in New York were less likely to have an abortion the more local abortion services were available.[4]
  • 16 we then stratified the non-repeal non-reform states between those where New York was the closest abortion provider and those where California was the closest provider in order to estimate the equation.[4]
  • The 49-state sample’s reduction in abortions per 100 miles analyzed at the mean distance is 0.28 per 1,000 women, a 66% decrease at a mean abortion rate of 4.16.[4]
  • Because of their higher propensity for later abortions, black women and women with lesser levels of education are more vulnerable to health problems.[10]
  • According to a study by the California health benefits review program, a medical abortion in which medications are used to end a pregnancy costs California patients an average of 306 out of pocket but isn’t accessible beyond 10 weeks.[12]
  • According to our most recent study, 61% of U.S. citizens believe that abortion should be permitted always or most of the time, while 37% believe the opposite.[1]
  • Later five years after having an abortion, over 95% of the women in a landmark UC San Francisco study said it was the right decision for them.[13]
  • From 2010 to 2019, national birth data show that the birth rate for adolescents aged 15-19 years decreased by 51%. The study’s findings show a 50% reduction in the abortion rate for the same age group.[5]
  • According to the research organization Guttmacher Institute, which promotes abortion rights, 132,680 abortions were carried out in California in 2017, accounting for 15% of all abortions nationwide.[14]
  • Women who live around 183 miles from New York saw a 12.2% reduction in abortion rates when their distance from the city increased by 100 miles, but those who lived 830 miles away experienced a 33% decline.[4]
  • In the last ten years, abortion rates among girls aged 15 to 19 have drastically decreased throughout the country.[9]
  • 7% of individuals seeking abortions had private insurance coverage, compared to 34% who had Medicaid in California via medical, and 29% who got financing from other groups, according to a UC San Francisco research on out-of-state.[2]
  • In this study, teens aged 19 who had abortions at 13 weeks gestation were more likely to do so than older age groups to have abortions.[5]
  • While Guttmacher estimated an 8% rise in abortions during the three-year period from 2017 to 2020, the CDC observed moderate 1% and 2% increases in abortions in 2018 and 2019, respectively.[1]
  • 40% of white adolescents who were pregnant sought abortions. 38% of black teens and only 29% of Hispanics.[7]
  • In these 35 locations, the rate of early medical abortion grew by 10% between 2018 and 2019, from 37.5% to 41.1%, and by 12.3% between 2010 and 2019, from 18.4% to 41.1%.[5]
  • According to UC San Francisco’s advancing new standards of Reproductive Health Centers database, California has 165 abortion facilities as of 2021.[2]
  • These numbers represent a 6% increase in clinics from 2014 when there were 512 abortion-providing facilities overall, of which 152 were clinics 89% of U.S. counties lacked abortion facilities in 2017.[3]
  • According to the National Center for Biotechnology Information, a division of the U.S. National Library of Medicine, a division of the national institutes of health, just 2% of all abortions performed in the U.S result in complications for the woman.[1]
  • At 14-20 weeks of gestation, 62%, and at 21 weeks of gestation, 10% fewer abortions.[5]
  • In 2019, 79.3% of abortions were carried out during 9 weeks gestation, and 92.7% were carried out at 13 weeks.[5]
  • Despite a threefold rise in Texas residents getting late abortions in neighboring states, the number of abortions beyond 15 weeks declined by 64% for state residents in the first year of the legislation.[4]
  • Even among Republicans, who had the greatest percentage of anti-abortion showed voters, 59% indicated they backed roe.[2]
  • According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the abortion rate in the years immediately after Roe v. Wade surged nationwide, peaking at 25 per 1,000 women of reproductive age.[2]
  • 76.2% of non-Hispanic black women in 29 reporting regions had abortions at 9 weeks of pregnancy, compared to 80.6%-82.4% of women in other racial and ethnic groupings.[5]
  • Throughout the previous ten years, around three-quarters of abortions were carried out at nine weeks of gestation; this ratio rose from 74.8% in 2010 to 77.4% in 2019.[5]
  • According to the CDC, which had data on this from 41 states and New York City but not the rest of New York, the great majority of women who had abortions in 2019 were single 85%, while married women accounted for 15%.[1]
  • For instance, compared to the mean abortion rate of 139, the abortion rate among non-whites decreased by 2.1 abortions per 1,000 women or 15.1%.[4]
  • In 2017, 16% of facilities were abortion clinics, with over 50% of patient visits being for abortions. 35% were general clinics. Hospitals made up 33%, while private doctors’ offices made up 16%.[3]
  • Among the 34 reporting areas that provided data every year on gestational age from 2010-2019 the percentage of abortions performed at 13 weeks gestation changed negligibly from 91.9% to 92%.[5]
  • The overall number, rate, and ratio of reported abortions hit record lows in 2017, and then all indicators saw rises between 2017 and 2018 of 1% to 2%.[5]
  • Compared to the 1,671 facilities in 2014, there were 1,587 facilities offering abortions in the United States in 2017. This is a 5% drop.[3]
  • Teenage birth rates decreased by 47% between 1992 and 2005, but adolescent abortion rates fell dramatically by 66% between their high in 1988 and 2005, going from 7.6 to 2.6 per 1,000.[15]
  • The Guttmacher Institute, a pro-abortion rights research and policy group, predicted that 26 states were definitely or likely to outlaw abortion once Roe was overturned.[6]
  • A percentage based on 539,573 abortions was reported overall from the regions that complied with the requirements for reporting the quantity of prior induced abortions.[5]
  • During those years, there were 16% more abortion clinics in the northeast and 4% more in the west.[1]
  • More current data from the Guttmacher Institute’s census of abortion providers reveals that after decades of decrease, the number of abortions in the U.S. climbed by 8% between 2017 and 2020.[6]
  • Whites had a comparable decrease in abortions of 0.95, or an 11.6% decrease, as measured at the mean.[4]
  • 132,680, or around 15%, of the 862,320 abortions carried out in the U.S. that year occurred in California.[12]
  • As a result, there were 13.5 abortions per 1,000 women of reproductive age in 15-44, which is an 8% drop from the rate of 14.6 in 2014.[3]
  • According to the CDC, 56% of legal abortions performed in clinical settings in 2019 used some kind of surgery, while 44% were medication abortions employing tablets.[1]
  • About 70% also said that they believed that if their communities found out they had sought an abortion, they would be ostracized, with 29% showing low levels and 31% reporting high levels of stigma in their communities.[13]
  • Estimates for 12% of abortions were utilized in 2020, the most recent year for which statistics on the number of abortions in the U.S. were made available.[1]
  • In the last seven years, Californians in their 20s accounted for 57% of all abortions covered by medical.[2]
  • Similarly, the discovery of early medical abortion regimens has made it possible to execute abortions at an early stage of pregnancy. Completion rates for these regimens, which include mifepristone and misoprostol, have reached 96%-98%.[5]
  • However, further technological developments, such as enhanced transvaginal ultrasonography and sensitivity of pregnancy testing, have made it possible to execute extremely early surgical abortions with success rates surpassing 97%.[5]
  • Hysterotomies and intrauterine installations for each gestational age group accounted for just 0.1%–1.3% of abortions.[5]
  • Among the 42 areas that reported abortions categorized by individual weeks of gestation and method type for 2019, surgical abortion accounted for the largest percentage of abortions within every gestational age category, except 6 weeks of gestation.[5]
  • According to both the CDC and Guttmacher, the number of abortions performed annually in the U.S. increased for years after Roe v Wade allowed the operation in 1973, peaking in the late 1980s and early 1990s.[1]
  • According to Guttmacher, there were 1,587 institutions in the U.S. that performed abortions in 2017.[1]
  • Contrarily, compared to 68% 75% of women in older age groups, 19.8% of adolescents aged 15 and 96% of those aged 15 to 19 years had an abortion after 13 weeks of pregnancy.[5]
  • At 79 weeks of gestation, 52.2% of abortions were surgical. 93.2% of abortions during 1013 weeks of pregnancy 96.9% 99.2% of abortions at 1420 weeks of pregnancy and 87.0% at 21 weeks of pregnancy.[5]
  • For instance, 28 counties, where 10% of medical clients of reproductive age reside, lack facilities for medical patients to access abortion services.[12]
  • For instance, data from the U.S. Department of Health Education and Welfare, which was the forerunner of the department of health and human services, show that there were 23.5 abortion-related fatalities in 1965 and 28.0 in 1963.[1]
  • Abortions after 13 weeks of pregnancy varied very little by race and ethnicity, with 78% of non-Hispanic black women having abortions as opposed to 61%-77% of women from other racial and ethnic groups.[5]
  • Despite decades-long declines in abortion rates in California, the Guttmacher Institute forecasts a 16% rise from 2017 to 2020.[11]
  • The greatest abortion rates were found in the age groups 2024 and 2529, with 19.0 and 18.6 abortions per 1,000 women, respectively, and the highest percentages of abortions (27.6% and 29.3%, respectively).[5]
  • However, after 1972, we can only assess whether nonresident abortions in New York were less likely to occur and not whether the increased accessibility of abortion services in the area led to an increase in resident abortion rates.[4]
  • These abortions, which totaled 625,346, were from 48 reporting locations that submitted data yearly between 2010 and 2019.[5]
  • Black women accounted for 38% of abortions in the 30 locations where racial and ethnic data were available, while white women accounted for 33% and Hispanic women accounted for 21%.[6]
  • For every hundred miles a woman resided away from the state, the number of abortions done in New York among inhabitants of the northern and middle states decreased by 12.2% in 1971–1972.[4]
  • Between 2010 and 2019, the CDC received continuous data from locations where the abortion rate was tracked, and the overall rate fell by 21%.[6]
  • Contrarily, adolescents under the age of 15 and women over the age of 40 had the lowest abortion rates—0.4 and 2.7 abortions per 1,000 women, respectively—and made up the lowest percentages of abortions, 0.2 and 3.7%, respectively.[5]
  • Contrarily, compared to 68%-75% of women in older age groups, 19.8% of adolescents aged 15 and 9.6% of those aged 15 to 19 years had an abortion after 13 weeks of pregnancy.[5]
  • At 7-9 weeks of gestation, 52.2% of abortions were surgical. 93.2% of abortions during 10-13 weeks of pregnancy 96.9%-99.2% of abortions at 14-20 weeks of pregnancy and 87% at 21 weeks of pregnancy.[5]
  • According to research done in the united states in the 1970s, surgical abortion operations carried out between 6 weeks and 712 weeks gestation were less likely to successfully end the pregnancy.[5]
  • Most abortions occurred at 9 weeks gestation in each category for these parameters.[5]

California Abortion “Adolescent” Statistics

  • 41% of Asian or Pacific islander adolescent births and 45% of Hispanic teen births are to parents who were not born in the United States.[15]
  • About 19% of adolescent births in West Virginia are to minors who are already parents, and about 79% of teen births there are to older youths 18 or 19 years old.[16]
  • The most recent statistics from 2017 show that although Kern county continues to have one of the highest rates of adolescent pregnancy in California, rates throughout the state are decreasing to record lows.[9]
  • According to estimates, adolescent pregnancies cost society billions of dollars annually.[17]
  • Between its high between 1992 and 2005, the state’s rate of adolescent pregnancies fell by 52% .[15]
  • Because of their location in rural regions, several counties in west Virginia have extraordinarily high adolescent birth rates of up to 4.8 per 1,000 women.[16]
  • Compared to 4% of whites, around 13% of black adolescents and 13% of Hispanic teens nationwide get pregnant each year.[15]
  • In Alabama, 74% of adolescent births occur to older youths ages 18 to 19, and 16% occur to minors who are already parents.[16]
  • The adolescent birth rate in Alabama has significantly declined over the previous several decades, by around 63% since 1991.[16]
  • Only one southern state, Maryland, significantly outperformed the national average in terms of adolescent pregnancy, declining by 45%.[15]
  • According to the California Department of Public Health, Latinas had a far greater prevalence of adolescent births than other ethnic groups, with 21 births per 1,000 compared to only 6 for whites.[9]
  • Latina adolescents expressed any pregnancy by selected characteristics and odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals from logistic regression.[18]
  • In California, the current net expenses of births to adolescent mothers to taxpayers are projected to be little under 2 billion.[19]
  • It is estimated that adolescent births cost society billions of dollars annually because of lost productivity and costs related to health care foster care and incarceration 3 for further details on adolescent births.[17]
  • California’s adolescent pregnancy rate decreased more than any other state over the same time, falling by 37% nationwide.[19]
  • Since its launch in 2009, Colorado’s family planning initiative has increased the use of LARC to prevent unintended pregnancies, and between 2009 and 2012, it lowered the adolescent birth rate by 5%.[20]
  • Pregnancy and pregnancy intentions 46 adolescent girls experienced 53 pregnancies throughout the course of the two-year monitoring period. The pregnancy risk over one year was 16%.[18]
  • The 25.9% child poverty rate in New Mexico is a significant contributor to adolescent pregnancies.[16]
  • Consider the fact that a teen birth rate of 26.5 births per 1,000 adolescent females is a proportion of 26.5% of young girls giving birth each year to understand the differences.[8]
  • Therefore, based on a mean distance of 52.1 in hundreds of miles and an expected shift in adolescent birth rates of 7.5 per 1000 women 15.1 in 1970–1972.[4]

California Abortion “Teen” Statistics

  • In California, two out of every three infants born to teenagers are to Latinas. According to the National Center for Health Statistics, 83% of teenagers who give birth are from low-income families.[21]
  • In the 2002 national survey of family growth, Latina teens were twice as likely to say they would be extremely happy if they became pregnant as their non-Latino white and black peers.[18]
  • 95% confidence intervals for specified factors for Latina teenagers who got pregnant within six.[18]
  • According to statistics from the national survey of family growth conducted between 2011 and 2015, more female teens are utilizing contraception countrywide. 81% of those surveyed claimed to have used birth control when they had their first sexual experience.[9]
  • And during that period, the proportion of female teenagers who have taken the morning-after pill increased, reaching almost 1 in 4.[9]
  • By 2030, the Mexican government wants to cut the teenage fertility rate for females aged 15 to 19 by 50% and the rate for girls aged 10 to 14 by zero.[22]
  • Teen mothers are more likely to become welfare dependent and teen parenthood is associated with lower educational attainment and lower income levels.[17]
  • But among teens who said at their prior visit, they did not want to become pregnant at all, 70% of pregnancies happened not shown.[18]
  • According to estimates, twice as many parenting youths as never-pregnant teens nationwide had experienced sexual abuse.[19]
  • According to the most recent statistics from the California Department of Public Health, the state’s teen birth rate fell to a record low of 15.7 births per 1,000 girls between the ages of 15 and 19.[23]
  • The chance of pregnancy would decrease by 16% from 15.6% to 13.1% per year, not showing if all teens in the sample decided they did not want to become pregnant.[18]
  • Contrary to California’s 41% teenage population, 52% of family pact’s teen customers are Latino.[15]
  • Teens from low-income families make up around 40% of the teenage population and 83% of teen mothers.[19]
  • According to a 2014 Brookings report, studies have even shown that the challenges portrayed in MTV’s 16 and pregnant and teen moms may have inspired some teenagers to be more watchful about birth control.[9]
  • Over 35,000 of the nearly 30,000 teenagers who attended teen smart supported clinics during the first half of 2005–2006 did there for the first time in order to get contraception or other reproductive health services.[15]
  • 48% of all pregnancies in California, not only among teenagers, are reported by women as being unplanned.[8]
  • Ratios and 95% confidence intervals from logistic regression studies for the percentage of Latina teenage pregnancies throughout six-month periods for various variables.[18]
  • The chances of pregnancy among young people who had shown any degree of desiring pregnancy in the next six months in 14%. There were more than twice as high as the odds ratio, a 95% confidence interval among teens who clearly did not want pregnancy.[18]
  • The percentage of high school students that drink soda is 90% youth sexual health while dual contraceptive nonuse youth percentage of high school students is 88.1% of teen pregnancy female birthrates per 1,000.[20]

California Abortion “Pregnancy” Statistics

  • The chance of pregnancy after one year was 16% over the two-year monitoring period, which saw 53 pregnancies among 46 youths.[18]
  • In the multivariate models, youths who were enrolled in school and taking part in sports were odds ratio 0.4 less likely to seek pregnancy than their counterparts who were not.[18]
  • Participants who had expressed any happiness about having a pregnancy in the next six months 59% of responses had a slightly elevated risk of the pregnancy odds ratio.[18]
  • The projected reduction in pregnancy risk would be 16% if all participants decided they did not want to get pregnant.[18]
  • Teenagers with low or moderate levels of authority in their primary relationship were more likely to wish for pregnancy than those with no primary partner.[18]
  • In terms of total efforts to assist women in preventing unwanted pregnancy, California scored #1 among states, according to a 2006 research by the Guttmacher Institute.[15]
  • In the most recent NSFG which includes data from 2006 to 2010, 17.2% of black women and 10.4% of Hispanic women at risk for unintended pregnancy were using no contraceptive method compared with 95% of non-Hispanic white women.[10]
  • Just over half said that it was very difficult for them to decide to end their pregnancy. 27%, or moderately challenging 46% of the population, stated it was not tough, compared to 27%.[13]
  • 6% more deliveries were placed between 14 and 20 weeks of pregnancy, and 1% occurred at 21 weeks or more.[1]

California Abortion “Other” Statistics

  • In addition, the approximate WALD estimates reported in the text are roughly 50% smaller in absolute value than the direct association obtained by an OLS regression of birth rates.[4]
  • Teenage fertility rates decreased by 84 and 78 percentage points, respectively, in Baja, California Sur, Chihuahua, and Sinaloa when compared to 2010.[22]
  • Young moms are less likely to be married and may have to take care of family costs on their own might make financial difficulties worse.[17]
  • Although the proportion of pregnancies that are unintended is high for all women at 51% there are significant differences among population subgroups 25 black, Hispanic, and low SES women had the greatest rates of unwanted pregnancies.[10]
  • Participants who had already given birth were more likely to feel any satisfaction.[18]
  • Family pact offers free access to a range of reproductive health treatments, including contraception, to males and females in California who earn up to 20% of the federal poverty line.[15]
  • Teen mothers are more likely than mothers in their 20s and early 30s to have premature births newborns that are underweight at birth and infants who pass away.[17]
  • Over 535 thousand Mexican young women between the ages of 15 and 19 became mothers, according to the 2020 Population and Housing Census.[22]
  • Participants who took part in both schools and organized sports had around 40% fewer chances of having any desire for motherhood than those who did neither 06.[18]
  • Nine states had decreases that were slightly or much lower than the national average of 24.33%, while six of the 16 states that the U.S. Census Bureau deemed to be in the south had declines that were close to the national average of 37%.[15]
  • According to race/ethnicity, 42% of pregnancies among white women were unplanned, compared to 70% of pregnancies among black women and 57% among Hispanic women.[10]
  • Adolescent girls with low educational expectations are more likely to become pregnant and give birth than girls with high expectations.[24]
  • With respect to income, 64% of pregnancies among women with an income of less than 10% were unintended whereas only 37% of pregnancies were unintended among women with an income of over 20%.[10]
  • 1% of women who recently gave birth to a live child experienced intimate partner violence before becoming pregnant, per 100,000 people.[20]
  • Less than 3% of young moms complete college by the age of 30, and only 38% of them do so before they turn 18.[21]
  • In 1973, DC and the 41 states that gave this data had a matching figure of 21%, and in 1974, DC and the 43 states that submitted data had a comparable figure of 11%.[1]
  • In New Mexico, 81% of minors who gave birth in 2017 were Hispanic, as were 55.1% of female youths aged 15 to 19 who identify as Hispanic.[16]
  • 94% of school districts, according to a study of districts performed by PB Consulting and released by the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California in 2003, provide sex education and 96% do so for HIV/AIDS prevention.[15]
  • Teenagers with a primary partner were more likely to express any enjoyment than those without a major partner, regardless of their level of power in the relationship.[18]
  • At baseline, the participants’ average age was 16 and 60% of them had ever engaged in non-exposed vaginal intercourse, while 14% had been pregnant.[18]
  • Does not equal 10% since some participants claimed to not be aware of the level of education of their parents.[24]

Also Read

How Useful is California Abortion

One of the main arguments against the lenient abortion laws in California is that they promote a culture of promiscuity and lack of responsibility. Critics claim that by allowing easy access to abortion, individuals are more likely to engage in risky behavior without facing any consequences. This argument suggests that women may be more likely to engage in unprotected sex or ignore contraception methods if they know that abortion is readily available as a backup plan. In essence, some argue that California’s abortion policies may contribute to a lax attitude towards contraception and sexual health.

On the flip side, proponents of California’s abortion laws argue that they are an essential aspect of women’s healthcare and reproductive rights. They argue that every woman should have the freedom to make decisions about her body and reproductive choices, without governmental interference. The ability to access safe and legal abortion services is crucial for women who may be facing difficult life circumstances or health concerns. Furthermore, they contend that providing accessible abortion services reduces the likelihood of unsafe, illegal procedures that could endanger women’s lives.

Another point often brought up in the abortion debate is the issue of socioeconomic disparities. Critics of California’s abortion laws argue that the leniency in regulations disproportionately impacts low-income communities. They claim that individuals with financial resources are more likely to have access to safe and legal abortions, while those in poverty may be forced to turn to dangerous alternatives. This unequal access to reproductive healthcare perpetuates existing disparities and increases the likelihood of negative health outcomes for vulnerable populations.

On the other hand, supporters of California’s abortion policies argue that providing accessible abortion services actually helps to address socioeconomic disparities. They argue that restricting abortion access would only further marginalize already disadvantaged communities and limit women’s choices when it comes to their own bodies. By ensuring that safe and legal abortion services are available to all women, California is taking a step towards promoting reproductive justice and gender equality.

In the grand scheme of things, the usefulness of California’s abortion laws ultimately comes down to individual perspectives and values. While some may see the policies as promoting irresponsible behavior and contributing to societal ills, others view them as essential aspects of women’s healthcare and autonomy. As the debate continues, it is important for policymakers and advocates to consider the various factors at play and ensure that reproductive rights are protected for all individuals, regardless of their circumstances.


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