Georgia Abortion Statistics

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Georgia Abortion Statistics 2023: Facts about Abortion in Georgia reflect the current socio-economic condition of the state.


LLCBuddy editorial team did hours of research, collected all important statistics on Georgia Abortion, and shared those on this page. Our editorial team proofread these to make the data as accurate as possible. We believe you don’t need to check any other resources on the web for the same. You should get everything here only 🙂

Are you planning to start a Georgia LLC business in 2023? Maybe for educational purposes, business research, or personal curiosity, whatever it is – it’s always a good idea to gather more information.

How much of an impact will Georgia Abortion Statistics have on your day-to-day? or the day-to-day of your LLC Business? How much does it matter directly or indirectly? You should get answers to all your questions here.

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Top Georgia Abortion Statistics 2023

☰ Use “CTRL+F” to quickly find statistics. There are total 106 Georgia Abortion Statistics on this page 🙂

Georgia Abortion “Latest” Statistics

  • According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 17.6% of the abortions carried out in Georgia were out-of-state.[1]
  • According to information from the Guttmacher Institute, these are the ten states with the highest abortion rates in 2020.[2]
  • Among the 42 areas that reported abortions categorized by individual weeks of gestation and method type for 2019, surgical abortion accounted for the largest percentage of abortions within every gestational age category, except 6 weeks of gestation.[3]
  • In the 42 districts where data on marital status were published for 2019, 14.5% of women who had abortions were married and 85.5% were single.[3]
  • Black women accounted for 38% of abortions in the 30 locations where racial and ethnic data were available, while white women accounted for 33% and Hispanic women for 21%.[2]
  • Suction curettage was the most frequent abortion technique during the 23-year period, accounting for 83.7% of all operations for Georgia residents and 60% for inhabitants of neighboring states.[4]
  • Data submitted to the Georgia department of human resources show that, in 1980, for the first time since the state legalized abortion in 1968, they performed fewer induced abortions in Georgia.[5]
  • In these 35 locations, the rate of early medical abortion grew by 10% between 2018 and 2019, from 37.5% to 41.1%, and by 12.3% between 2010 and 2019, from 18.4% to 41.1%.[3]
  • Over 43.3% of women seeking abortion in the south travel over 25 miles for services, with 98% traveling over 100 miles (Jerman and Jones, 2017).[4]
  • The number of contiguous state residents receiving abortion services in Georgia jumped by 35.3% from 1994 to 2016 from 3,115 to 4,216 samples despite the statistics showing an 11.1% decline in abortions for Georgia residents from 32,934 to 29,264.[4]
  • Throughout the previous ten years, around three-quarters of abortions were carried out at nine weeks of gestation; this ratio rose from 74.8% in 2010 to 77.4% in 2019.[3]
  • Compared to the 1,671 facilities in 2014, there were 1,587 facilities offering abortions in the United States in 2017. This is a 5% drop.[6]
  • At 14-20 weeks of gestation, 62%, and at 21 weeks of gestation, 10%, reported abortions.[3]
  • During the research period, the number of Florida, North Carolina and Tennessee residents who had abortions in Georgia declined by 44%, 26.9%, and 24.8%, respectively.[4]
  • For Georgia residents across all time periods, between 97.5% and 98.6% of abortions took place at a gestational age of 20 weeks; for residents of neighboring states getting abortions in Georgia, this percentage varied from 82.1% to 95.2%.[4]
  • According to research done in the united states in the 1970s, surgical abortion operations carried out between 6 weeks and 7-12 weeks gestation were less likely to end the pregnancy successfully.[3]
  • Around 19% of all abortions in the United States were done in these states in 2017, the most recent year for which statistics are available from the Guttmacher Institute’s nationwide survey of abortion.[3]
  • Contrarily, compared to 68%-75% of women in older age groups, 19.8% of adolescents aged 15 and 9.6% of those aged 15 to 19 years had an abortion after 13 weeks of pregnancy.[3]
  • There was a 12% decrease in clinics from 2014 when there were 17 clinics out of 28 abortions.[6]
  • In 2017, 16% of facilities were abortion clinics, with over 50% of patient visits being for abortions. 35% were general clinics. 33% were Hospitals, and 16% were private doctors’ offices.[6]
  • Since 1994, the number of abortions has decreased by roughly 68%, mostly because of increasing access to birth control options, according to specialists.[7]
  • These abortions, which totaled 625,346, were from 48 reporting locations that submitted data yearly between 2010 and 2019.[3]
  • They found the greatest abortion rates in the age groups 20-24 and 25-29, with 19.0 and 18.6 abortions per 1,000 women, respectively, and the highest percentages of abortions (27.6% and 29.3%, respectively).[3]
  • Although the organisation claims that 84% of abortions tallied in the most recent effort were based on direct information from healthcare institutions, it contains some guesses and does not account for self.[2]
  • Contrarily, adolescents under the age of 15 and women over the age of 40 had the lowest abortion rates—0.4 and 2.7 abortions per 1,000 women, respectively—and made up the lowest percentages of abortions, 0.2% and 37%, respectively.[3]
  • Similarly, the discovery of early medical abortion regimens has made it possible to execute abortions at an early stage of pregnancy. Completion rates for these regimens, which include mifepristone and misoprostol, have reached 96%-98% (78-81).[3]
  • 76.2% of non-Hispanic black women in 29 reporting regions had abortions at 9 weeks of pregnancy, compared to 80.6%-82.4% of women in other racial and ethnic groupings.[3]
  • Of the data analyzed, 10.1% of abortions between 1994 and 2016 in Georgia were for residents of contiguous states, 70.5% of which were from Alabama and South Carolina citizens.[4]
  • The total number of recorded abortions, abortion rate, and abortion ratio declined by 18% from 762,755, between 2010 and 2019. 13% from 225 abortions per 1,000 live births and 21% from 14.4 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15 to 44, respectively.[3]
  • More current data from the Guttmacher Institute’s census of abortion providers reveals that after decades of decrease, the number of abortions in the U.S. climbed by 8% between 2017 and 2020.[2]
  • 86% of all abortion restrictions countrywide between 2011 and 2017 were in the south and mid-west (Nash & Dreweke, 2019).[4]
  • Between 1979 and 1980, the proportion of abortions carried out in clinics rose from 66.5% to 75.3%, with suction curettage accounting for 85% of all abortions during the first 12 weeks of pregnancy.[5]
  • According to agency statistics, women between the ages of 20 and 29 had about 57% of abortions in 2019.[2]
  • Between 2010 and 2019, the CDC received continuous data from locations where the abortion rate was tracked, and the overall rate fell by 21%.[2]
  • In 2019, 79.3% of abortions were carried out during 9 weeks gestation, and 92.7% were carried out at 13 weeks.[3]
  • New statistics from the state Department of Public Health show that the number of abortions conducted in Georgia increased somewhat in 2020, by roughly 2% over the previous year.[7]
  • Georgia was the only state where at least 10% of women had abortions at 24 or more weeks.[8]
  • 87% of the U.S. counties lack an abortion provider and even fewer counties have a later provider.[8]
  • Further technological developments, such as enhanced transvaginal ultrasonography and sensitivity of pregnancy testing, have made it possible to execute extremely early surgical abortions with success rates surpassing 97%.[3]
  • The overall number, rate, and ratio of reported abortions hit record lows in 2017, and then all indicators saw rises between 2017 and 2018 of 1% to 2%.[3]
  • Following years of decrease, there was an almost 4% increase in abortions from 2017 to 2018 and an increase of over 7% from 2018 to 2019.[7]
  • In addition, 93% of women who had abortions did so during the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, up from 89% in 1979.[5]
  • While only 20% of abortions performed on Georgian women took place at 20 weeks gestation, 13.8% of all women in the neighboring states did.[4]
  • The Charlotte Lozier Institute estimated Georgia’s abortion rate in 2020 to be 14.3 per 1000 women aged 15 to 44, up 2% from the previous year and higher than the most current estimate for the national rate.[9]
  • The abortion rate in the U.S. grew by 7% from 13.5 per 1,000 women aged 15 to 44 in 20.1 to 14.4 in 2020.[2]
  • According to National Birth Statistics from 2010 to 2019, the birth rate for teenagers aged 15 to 19 declined by 51%. The report shows that the abortion rate for the same age group decreased by 50%.[3]
  • Georgia provided abortion services to 35.3% more women from neighboring states in 2016 than it did in 1994, despite variations in patterns between different states.[4]
  • Some 38% of reproductive-age women lived in those counties and would have had to travel elsewhere to get an abortion. One-third of patients who had an abortion in 2014 had to travel over 25 miles away to get there.[6]
  • There were 13.5 abortions per 1000 women of reproductive age in 15-44, which is an 8% drop from the rate of 14.6 in 2014.[6]
  • The percentage based on 539,573 abortions was reported overall from the regions that complied with the requirements for reporting the quantity of prior induced abortions.[3]
  • Between 2014 and 2017, Georgia’s abortion rate rose by 8%, from 15.7 to 16.9 abortions per 1000 women of reproductive age.[6]
  • The group also calculated that, in 2019, 40 million or 58% of American women of reproductive age resided in states that restrict access to abortion.[10]
  • The age categories had a decline in abortion rates from 2010 to 2019, although teenagers experienced the largest declines—by 60% and 50%, respectively—among all older age groups.[3]
  • 64% of abortions were conducted on women who had never had an abortion, 22% on women who had one, and 14% on women who had over one.[9]
  • At 7-9 weeks of gestation, 52.2% of abortions were surgical. 93.2% of abortions during 10-13 weeks of pregnancy 96.9%-99.2% of abortions at 14-20 weeks gestation and 87% of abortions at 21 weeks gestation.[3]
  • According to Guttmacher statistics, 930,160 abortions occurred in the U.S. in 2020, an increase of 1% over 2019.[2]
  • Among the 34 reporting areas that provided data every year on gestational age from 2010 to 2019, the percentage of abortions performed at 13 weeks gestation changed negligibly from 91.9% to 92%.[3]
  • From 2010 to 2019, the proportion of all abortions by early medical abortion climbed by 12.3% among regions that reported by technique type and included medical abortion in their reporting form.[3]
  • The Guttmacher Institute, a pro-abortion rights research and policy group, predicted that 26 states were definitely or likely to outlaw abortion once Roe was overturned.[2]
  • Abortions after 13 weeks of pregnancy varied very little by race and ethnicity, with 78% of non-Hispanic black women having abortions as opposed to 61%-77% of women from other racial and ethnic groups.[3]
  • The number of abortions rose by 2% from 2018 to 2019. Both the abortion rate and ratio rose by 3% and 9%, respectively.[3]
  • The proportion of abortions carried out at 13 weeks of gestation remained low during 2010–2019 at 90%.[3]
  • Despite a 25% rise in the number of abortions performed on Georgia residents between 1979 and 1990, the abortion ratio for citizens fell from 367.7 to 327.4 abortions per 1,000 live births.[5]
  • In this study, teens aged 19 who had abortions at 13 weeks gestation were more likely to do so than older age groups to have abortions.[3]
  • In Georgia, they report separately ethnicity from race, and non-Hispanic women accounted for 88% of abortions carried out there in 2020.[9]
  • States passed 483 new abortion restrictions between January 1, 2011, and July 1, 2019, making up roughly 40% of all abortion restrictions passed by states in the decades following Roe v. Wade.[6]
  • According to the DHR, the rate of abortion decreased from 1,000 women aged 15-44 to 23.9/1,000, a 9% fall in the number of abortions from 36,579 in 1979 to 33,288 in 1980.[5]
  • Inhabitants of neighboring states had a greater likelihood of getting an abortion at 20 weeks gestational age (13.8%) and a lower percentage of suction curettage abortions (60%).[11]
  • Estimates of miscarriage rates and reported adolescent birth and abortion rates are used to compute teen pregnancy rates.[15]
  • In the study, teens aged 19 who had abortions at 13 weeks gestation were more likely to do so than older age groups to have abortions.[3]
  • However, further technological developments, such as enhanced transvaginal ultrasonography and sensitivity of pregnancy testing, have made it possible to execute extremely early surgical abortions with success rates surpassing 97%.[3]
  • 93% of women had abortions during the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, up from 89% in 1979.[5]
  • In general, estimates of miscarriage rates and reported adolescent birth and abortion rates are used to compute teen pregnancy rates.[15]
  • Although birth statistics are based on an almost complete accounting of every birth in the nation, pregnancy statistics also include an estimate of the number of miscarriages and abortions based on a variety of reporting methods and surveys.[13]
  • Compared to 68%-75% of women in older age groups, 19.8% of adolescents aged 15 and 9.6% of those aged 15 to 19 years had an abortion after 13 weeks of pregnancy.[3]
  • In the 43 regions that provided information on gestational age at the time of abortion for 2019, 79.3% of abortions were carried out at 9 weeks, and almost 92.7%.[3]
  • The majority of abortions occurred at 9 weeks gestation in each category.[3]
  • According to research done in the United States in the 1970s, surgical abortion operations carried out between 6 weeks and 7-12 weeks gestation were less likely to successfully end the pregnancy.[3]

Georgia Abortion “Adolescent” Statistics

  • The adolescent birth rate in Alabama has significantly declined over the previous several decades, by around 63% since 1991.[12]
  • Consider the fact that a teen birth rate of 26.5 births per 1,000 adolescent females is a proportion of 26.5% of young girls giving birth each year to understand the differences.[13]
  • Because of their location in rural regions, several counties in West Virginia have extraordinarily high adolescent birth rates of up to 4.8 per 1,000 women.[12]
  • The adolescent birth rate decreased by 64% between 1991 and 2015, leading to governmental savings of 44 billion in only 20,151.[14]
  • The 25.9% child poverty rate in New Mexico is a significant contributor to adolescent pregnancies.[12]
  • About 19% of adolescent births in West Virginia are to minors who are already parents, and about 79% of teen births there are to older youths 18 or 19 years old.[12]
  • In Alabama, 74% of adolescent births occur to older youths ages 18 to 19, and 16% occur to minors who are already parents.[12]

Georgia Abortion “Teen” Statistics

  • 60% of pregnancies among all Georgian women, not just teenagers, are characterized by the mothers as unplanned.[13]
  • Thirty-eight took place between seven and eight weeks, while fourteen were carried out between ten and thirteen weeks.[9]
  • A recent study 34 that showed that teenage moms are more likely to drop out of school lends evidence to this. 51% of teen mothers earned their high school diploma by age 22 compared to 89% of women who had not given birth as teens.[15]
  • In a recent study in 49 states, 52% of all unintended pregnancies among teenagers and adults in the U.S. is due to nonuse of contraception, 43% are due to inconsistent or improper usage, whereas just 5% are due to technique failure.[15]
  • Georgia reported a 19.7 teenage pregnancy rate per 1,000.[12]

Georgia Abortion “Pregnancy” Statistics

  • Teens who are motivated to go to college are not necessarily less likely to get pregnant but more likely to abort their pregnancies i.e., educational aspirations have an impact on whether or not to bring a pregnancy to term.[15]
  • A 2016 research that examined Georgia found that 17% of pregnancy-related claims and 25% of first-trimester pregnancy-related statements were erroneous from a medical standpoint.[16]
  • Teens who gave birth while pregnant are less likely to complete high school and attend college (e.g., pregnancy impairs learning).[15]
  • According to the Georgia Maternal Mortality Review Committee, 58% of pregnancy-related fatalities in 2014 might have been avoided, and African, American and black women had a 34-fold higher risk of dying from childbirth or postpartum problems.[17]

Georgia Abortion “Other” Statistics

  • When more than 5% of cases had missing data for a particular variable, they excluded those instances from statistical comparisons.[8]
  • Women with one prior live birth underwent 23% of the procedures, and those with two or more prior live births underwent 33% of the procedures.[9]
  • Between 0 and 38% of the total data obtained for people of each state were unknown, with education and ethnicity factors having the greatest percentages of unknown data.[4]
  • In 40.2%, 24.5%, and 20% of the 45 regions that reported the number of prior live births in 2019, 92% and 60% of women had zero, one, two, three and four or more previous live births, respectively.[3]
  • Georgia’s infant mortality rate is in the lowest 10%, nationally. Low birthweight, preterm birth, and maternal mortality.[17]
  • In New Mexico, 81% of minors who gave birth in 2017 were Hispanic, as were 55.1% of female youths aged 15 to 19 who identify as Hispanic.[12]
  • Teen birth rates among Asians who are non-Hispanic declined by 15% among 15 to 19-year-olds. 9% for Hispanics, 8% for white non-Hispanics, and 6% for black non-Hispanics.[14]
  • All of the adjacent states had a steady decline in the percentage of primigravid women during the course of the 23-year research, from 40.4% to 28.9%, whereas Georgian people experienced a consistent percentage of 98%.[4]
  • Georgia gained roughly 108,000 inhabitants between 2019 and 2020, according to U.S. census data.[7]
  • More than half were black with about one-fourth white, 12% other race/ethnicity, and 7% Hispanic.[8]
  • According to the most recent statistics, 41% of pregnancies in Georgia were later or undesired.[16]
  • Descriptive statistics by the level of education and abstinence of 95% confidence interval outcomes level.[15]

Also Read

How Useful is Georgia Abortion

One of the main arguments in favor of Georgia’s abortion laws is that they serve to protect the rights of the fetus and uphold the sanctity of life. Proponents of these laws argue that life begins at conception, and therefore, any termination of a pregnancy is equivalent to taking a life. They believe that by limiting access to abortion, Georgia is ensuring that all lives are valued and protected.

On the other hand, opponents of Georgia’s abortion laws argue that these restrictions are a violation of women’s rights and autonomy over their own bodies. They argue that women have a fundamental right to make decisions about their own health and bodies, including the right to access safe and legal abortion services. By imposing strict regulations and limitations on abortion, Georgia is infringing upon these rights and putting women’s lives and well-being at risk.

One of the key concerns raised by critics of Georgia’s abortion laws is the impact they have on vulnerable and marginalized populations. Restrictions on abortion disproportionately affect low-income women, women of color, and rural communities, who may already face barriers to accessing healthcare. By limiting access to abortion, Georgia is exacerbating existing inequalities and denying these women the ability to make decisions about their own reproductive health.

Furthermore, Georgia’s abortion laws also raise concerns about the implications for maternal health and well-being. Limiting access to safe and legal abortion services can force women to seek out unsafe and potentially life-threatening alternatives. This not only puts women’s lives at risk but also places an unnecessary burden on an already overburdened healthcare system.

It is important to consider the broader societal implications of Georgia’s abortion laws as well. By restricting access to abortion, Georgia may be perpetuating cycles of poverty, limiting educational and economic opportunities for women, and hindering their ability to fully participate in society. These laws do not exist in a vacuum; they have far-reaching consequences that impact not only individual women but also their families and communities.

In conclusion, the usefulness of Georgia’s abortion laws is a complex and multifaceted issue that requires careful consideration of the various perspectives and implications at play. While some may argue that these laws protect the rights of the fetus and uphold the sanctity of life, others raise valid concerns about the impact on women’s rights, access to healthcare, and broader societal inequalities. Ultimately, the debate around Georgia’s abortion laws must prioritize the well-being and autonomy of women, ensuring that their rights are respected and upheld in any decision-making process.


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