Louisiana Abortion Statistics 2024
– Everything You Need to Know


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Louisiana Abortion Statistics 2022: Facts about Abortion in Louisiana are important because they give you more context about what’s going on in Louisiana in terms of Abortion.

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LLCBuddy editorial team scanned the whole web and collected all important Abortion Statistics & facts on this page. We proofread the data to make these as accurate as possible. We believe you don’t need to check any other resource on the web for Abortion data of Louisiana; All are here only 🙂

Are you planning to start a Louisiana LLC business? Thus you need to know more about Abortion Facts & Statistics. Maybe for study projects or business research or personal curiosity only, whatever it is – it’s always a good idea to know more about the most important Louisiana Abortion statistics of 2022.

How much of an impact will Louisiana Abortion Statistics have on your day-to-day? or the day-to-day of your LLC Businss? How much does it matter directly or indirectly? You should get answers to all your Louisiana Abortion Statistics-related questions here.

Please read the page carefully and don’t miss any word.

Top Louisiana Abortion Statistics 2022

☰ Use “CTRL+F” to quickly find statistics. There are total 68 Louisiana Abortion Statistics on this page 🙂

Louisiana Abortion “Latest” Statistics

  • These figures show a 20% decrease in clinics from 2014 when there were five institutions offering abortions, of which five were clinics.[1]
  • Totals and trends for abortion Louisiana abortions dropped by seven from 87.0 to 80.9 in 2018.[2]
  • Half 53% of women who had an abortion had no education beyond high school. Most were black 62% or white 30% three-fourths, 73% had previously given birth to a live baby, and 89% were aborted in the first trimester.[3]
  • According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 16.7% of the abortions carried out in Louisiana were out-of-state.[4]
  • Following Texas’s abortion restriction, the clinic’s texas based clientele increased from 20% to 70%.[5]
  • Although birth statistics are based on an almost complete accounting of every birth in the nation, pregnancy statistics also include an estimate of the number of miscarriages and abortions based on a variety of reporting methods and surveys.[6]
  • Black women reportedly got 62% of all abortions performed in Louisiana in 2015, albeit this statistic includes both residents of the state and those who live outside it.[5]
  • 72% of women in Louisiana lived in a parish without an abortion clinic as of 2017, while 94% of parishes lacked one.[7]
  • States passed 483 new abortion restrictions between January 1, 2011, and July 1, 2019, making up roughly 40% of all abortion restrictions passed by states in the decades following Roe v. Wade.[1]
  • According to the 2014 Pew Research Center Gallup poll, 57% of Louisiana adults said abortion should be illegal in all or most cases, with 39% responding that it should be legal.[8]
  • In those counties, 38% of women of reproductive age resided, meaning they would have had to travel elsewhere to have an abortion. 1 of the patients who had an abortion in 2014 one-third had to travel over 25 miles one way to reach a facility 2.[1]
  • They reduced sharp curettage and prostaglandin abortions in number, but other undefined methods accounted for 39% of abortions.[9]
  • Compared to the 1,671 facilities in 2014, there were 1587 facilities offering abortions in the united states in 2017. This is a 5% drop.[1]
  • There were 40 abortions carried out because the mother’s mental health was in danger, and another 42 because the pregnancy was the product of rape or incest.[2]
  • According to preliminary data just released to Louisiana’s Right To Life by the Louisiana Department of Health, there were 7,444 abortions in Louisiana in 2021.[10]
  • As a result, there were 135 abortions per 1,000 women of reproductive age of 15-44 years old, which is an 8% drop from the rate of 14.6 in 2014.[1]
  • In that year, 63% of state-dwelling women aged 15 to 44 resided in counties without access to abortion facilities.[8]
  • Since the bulk of these operations happened at 10 weeks or earlier of gestation, it is probable that many of these undefined procedures were chemical abortions, even though Louisiana’s abortion report gives no specifics on them.[2]
  • According to an LSU study, 49% of respondents believed that abortion should be outlawed in all or most circumstances, while 46% disagreed.[8]
  • According to 2019 research, 60% of Louisianans think they should prohibit abortion in most or all circumstances.[5]
  • From April to July 2020, we made fictitious customer calls to 30 abortion clinics in Louisiana and its adjacent states, examining the proportion of open clinics, scheduling clinics, and median wait times.[11]
  • According to the Center for Reproductive Rights, 90% of individuals live in parishes without abortion clinics, and 45% of women must travel over 50 kilometres to go to an abortion clinic.[5]
  • The abortion clinics performed 60% of all abortions, 35% at general practices, 3% at medical centers, and 1% in doctor’s offices in 2017, Louisiana had 4 abortion-related institutions, 4 of which were clinics.[1]
  • According to the report, the percentage of second-trimester abortions done virtually increased from 10% to 17%, showing that many patients postponed their abortions until far later in pregnancy.[12]
  • With 39% thinking it should be legal, most people agree that abortion should be outlawed.[8]
  • Evidence shows that in 2015, in Louisiana, women of color handled 70.4% of all recorded abortions.[7]
  • If Roe v. Wade is reversed, 26 states are likely to outlaw abortion, according to the Guttmacher Institute, a research group on reproductive health. 12 of them, including Louisiana, have trigger laws that would impose near or total bans immediately.[5]
  • Abortions decreased after 16 weeks of pregnancy; between 17 and 19 weeks of pregnancy, there were 70 abortions or a little under 1%.[9]
  • Between 2014 and 2017, Louisiana’s abortion rate decreased by 2%, from 108 to 106 abortions per 1000 women of reproductive age.[1]
  • According to a recent study published in the American Journal of Public Health, the number of abortions done in Louisiana fell by 31% between march and may be compared to the prior two years.[12]
  • In a 2014 Gallup survey conducted by Pew Research Center, 57% of respondents in Louisiana thought they should prohibit abortion in all or most circumstances, while 39% said it should be permitted.[8]
  • In Louisiana, which is a highly rural state, over 90% of residents in a parish are without an abortion facility.[7]
  • They divide Louisianans on abortion, but the proportion of democrats who support it is rising.[8]
  • Abortions in the Pelican state have decreased by 33% since 1999, according to the oldest information accessible on the Louisiana Department of Health website, although annual abortion totals are prone to change.[2]
  • In 2017, 16% of facilities were abortion clinics, with over 50% of patient visits being for abortions. 35% were general clinics. Hospitals made up 33%, while private doctors’ offices made up 16%.[1]
  • Clients of the New Orleans abortion funds are 70% black and more than half are on Medicaid or lack insurance.[12]

Louisiana Abortion “Adolescent” Statistics

  • The adolescent birth rate in Alabama has significantly declined over the previous several decades, by around 63% since 1991.[13]
  • About 19% of adolescent births in West Virginia are to minors who are already parents, and about 79% of teen births there are to older youths 18 or 19 years old.[13]
  • Because of the greater stigma surrounding younger pregnant adolescents, which often dissuades them from obtaining prenatal care, babies delivered to teens under the age of 15 are more than twice as likely to have low birth weight babies.[14]
  • The 25.9% child poverty rate in New Mexico is a significant contributor to adolescent pregnancies.[13]
  • Consider the fact that a teen birth rate of 26.5 births per 1,000 adolescent females is a proportion of 26.5% of young girls giving birth each year to understand the differences.[6]
  • One state with the lowest drops in adolescent birth rates since 2007 was Louisiana, a rural state with a disproportionately high number of kids who identify as racial or ethnic minorities.[15]
  • With 257 births per 1,000, America, Indian, or Alaska native women and girls had the highest adolescent birth rate among racial or ethnic groups in 2020, a 12% decrease from 2019.[16]
  • In Alabama, 74% of adolescent births occur to older youths ages 18 to 19, and 16% occur to minors who are already parents.[13]
  • Because of their location in rural regions, several counties in West Virginia have extraordinarily high adolescent birth rates of up to 48 per 1,000 women.[13]
  • The data show no racial differences, which is in sharp contrast to national averages, according to which black adolescents aged 15 to 17 are 66% more likely to become mothers than white adolescents in the same age range.[15]
  • While Asian adolescents had the lowest teen birth rate among racial or ethnic groups at 23 births per 1,000, a 15% decrease from 2019, the rate among native Hawaiian or other Pacific islanders fell by 14% to 22.6 per 1,000.[16]
  • Rates expressed as incidents per 1,000 people white and black adolescents’ live birth rates did not change based on the number of years they had Medicaid coverage.[15]
  • Kentucky’s teen birth rate is 23.5 per 1,000. According to CDC analysts, Kentucky’s adolescent birth rate in 2020 remained almost steady from its rate of 24.4 in 2020.[16]
  • With a birth rate of 37.5 per 1000 teenagers aged 15 to 19, Louisiana has the seventh highest incidence of adolescent pregnancies in the U.S., according to the CDC’s most recent statistics.[17]
  • There is a 0.005 likelihood that over 1% will bias the estimated racial relative risks of live births if that level of inaccuracy persists and is unrelated to the adolescent group.[15]

Louisiana Abortion “Teen” Statistics

  • They carried out seven procedures between 11-12 weeks of gestation and fifteen between 9 to 10 weeks of gestation.[9]
  • However, according to the findings of the final two reviewer exercises, the algorithm produced incorrect live birth outcomes for 32% of teenagers before final revisions.[15]
  • For instance, assessments of data from the Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance System and the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health reveal that black teenagers are more likely to have ever engaged in sexual activity than white teens.[15]

Louisiana Abortion “Pregnancy” Statistics

  • For instance, in Louisiana in 2013, the projected birth and pregnancy rates for 15–19year old white females were 31 and 42, respectively, compared to 73 and 50, respectively, for the same age group of black girls.[15]

Louisiana Abortion “Other” Statistics

  • For instance, the birth rate among 15 to 19-year-olds decreased by 50% in big metropolitan counties between 2007 and 2015, but only by 37% in rural counties.[15]
  • When compared to the national average of 11.5%, 15% of Louisiana infants are born before term, which is the second highest rate in the country, according to the National Center for Health Statistics.[14]
  • Texas customers’ percentage at the clinic increased from 20% to 70%, and it continues to rise, according to Pittman.[5]
  • The women themselves deem 60% of pregnancies in Louisiana, including those of minors unplanned.[6]
  • Its dropout rate was substantially lower at 65%, and according to the Louisiana Department of Education’s most recent performance ratings, the district was second best in the state.[18]
  • The dataset did not differentiate race and ethnicity but because about 95% of Louisiana’s population identifies as either non-Hispanic white or non-Hispanic black African-Americans were the only races they included in their examination of race.[15]
  • Mississippi had the highest child poverty rate in the country, at 28.2%, and ranked 49th overall.[18]
  • Teen birth rates decreased by the state in 2020, with Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Montana seeing the largest decreases (19% in Montana).[16]
  • In New Mexico, 81% of minors who gave birth in 2017 were Hispanic, as were 55.1% of female youths aged 15 to 19-year-olds.[13]
  • Conversely, children in Concordia, Catahoula, Natchitoches and Winn parishes are the worst based on this data with poverty rates of about 30% or higher and child death rates in the high 60s up to 109.8 (Catahoula).[18]
  • It served as an illustration of a fetal heartbeat example. At the time the bill passed, 15% of the state legislators were female, but only two representatives voted against the bill.[8]
  • According to official statistics in the study, over one-third of the children in 28 of Louisiana’s parishes live in poverty.[18]
  • According to statistics from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, there are around 17 maternal deaths for every 100,000 births in the U.S. each year, with rates among black women being much higher than those of other ethnic groups.[19]

Also Read

How Useful is Louisiana Abortion

Title: Assessing the Value of Louisiana Abortion Laws: A Balancing Act

Abortion is a deeply polarizing and contentious issue, eliciting heated discussions from both sides of the spectrum. The Louisiana abortion laws, like those in many other states, spark significant debate regarding their usefulness and impact on women’s reproductive rights. In evaluating the usefulness of an abortion law, it is essential to consider the delicate balance between safeguarding women’s autonomy and protecting the potential life of the unborn.

Asserting the usefulness of abortion laws cannot be solely determined by superficial factors or personal beliefs. Rather, it necessitates a thorough evaluation of the complex ethical, legal, and social dimensions weighing on both women and society at large. It is in this context that the Louisiana abortion laws become subject to scrutiny.

Proponents of these laws argue that they primarily aim to protect the health and safety of pregnant women. Regulations implemented to ensure proper standards, hygiene, and qualified medical professionals certainly warrant attention, given the significance of safe practices. While opponents may assert that such laws target undue burdens upon women seeking reproductive choices, it is crucial to acknowledge the potential positive aspects that can emerge from their enforcement.

Furthermore, assumptions about the usefulness of Louisiana abortion laws must also take into account the emphasis on fostering informed consent. Advocates of such laws contend that providing women with comprehensive information regarding abortion procedures, potential risks, and available safe alternatives, empowers them to make fully informed decisions. This approach emphasizes respecting women’s autonomy and encourages a thoughtful consideration of their options during an undoubtedly difficult and emotional time.

However, critics of Louisiana’s abortion laws argue that their true purpose veers beyond medical safety or informational transparency. They claim that these regulations deliberately create barriers, disproportionately affecting vulnerable and marginalized communities, ultimately impeding access to abortion services. Concerns emerge that the power to decide the fate of one’s pregnancy is increasingly being transferred from women to state authorities, impinging upon individual liberties.

Beyond the immediate impact on women, the usefulness of any abortion law must be evaluated concerning its wider societal effects. Some proponents advocate for legislations aimed at reducing the number of abortions, highlighting the potential for them to encourage greater societal responsibility towards reproductive choices. However, critics argue that diminishing access to safe and legal abortions may drive women into illegal, unsafe, and life-threatening options. Striking the appropriate balance between societal considerations and personal liberty remains an arduous task in crafting effective abortion laws.

Furthermore, assessing the regulations’ usefulness also necessitates considering the evolving role and understanding of reproductive health in today’s society. The dynamics around women’s reproductive choices keep changing with advancements in medical knowledge, changing societal norms, and the recognition of comprehensive healthcare rights. Therefore, the efficacy of any abortion law should be contingent upon its ability to adapt and align itself with these evolving socio-medical contours.

In conclusion, evaluating the usefulness of Louisiana abortion laws requires navigating the intricate balancing act between individual autonomy and societal concerns. Debates surrounding these laws bring to light nuanced perspectives, each pleading their cases based on diverse moral, ethical, and legal grounds. Rationally assessing their value demands considering the implications beyond superficial arguments, taking into account the complexities and sensitivities that encompass a widely divisive issue central to individuals’ lives and societal well-being.

Reference


  1. guttmacher – https://www.guttmacher.org/fact-sheet/state-facts-about-abortion-louisiana
  2. lozierinstitute – https://lozierinstitute.org/abortion-reporting-louisiana-2018/
  3. nih – https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/25744615/
  4. abort73 – https://abort73.com/abortion_facts/states/louisiana/
  5. pbs – https://www.pbs.org/newshour/nation/uncertainty-overwhelms-abortion-clinics-in-louisiana
  6. powertodecide – https://powertodecide.org/what-we-do/information/national-state-data/louisiana
  7. reproductiverights – https://reproductiverights.org/case/scotus-june-medical-services/abortion-in-louisiana/
  8. wikipedia – https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abortion_in_Louisiana
  9. lozierinstitute – https://lozierinstitute.org/abortion-reporting-louisiana-2019/
  10. prolifelouisiana – https://prolifelouisiana.org/louisiana-abortion-statistics/
  11. aphapublications – https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/abs/10.2105/AJPH.2021.306284
  12. wwno – https://www.wwno.org/public-health/2021-07-16/study-abortions-in-louisiana-dropped-by-nearly-one-third-during-the-early-months-of-the-pandemic
  13. worldpopulationreview – https://worldpopulationreview.com/state-rankings/teen-pregnancy-rates-by-state
  14. childrenscoalition – https://www.childrenscoalition.org/news/category/jus4me
  15. nih – https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7483952/
  16. usnews – https://www.usnews.com/news/healthiest-communities/slideshows/states-with-the-highest-teen-birth-rates
  17. klfy – https://www.klfy.com/local/louisiana-7th-largest-state-in-the-us-with-highest-teen-pregnancies/
  18. theadvertiser – https://www.theadvertiser.com/story/news/2020/06/19/best-and-worst-parishes-louisiana-children-infant-death-teen-pregnancy/3133516001/
  19. politico – https://www.politico.com/news/2022/05/19/why-louisianas-maternal-mortality-rates-are-so-high-00033832
  20. pewresearch – https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/religious-landscape-study/compare/views-about-abortion/by/state/

About Author & Editorial Staff

Steve Goldstein, founder of LLCBuddy, is a specialist in corporate formations, dedicated to guiding entrepreneurs and small business owners through the LLC process. LLCBuddy provides a wealth of streamlined resources such as guides, articles, and FAQs, making LLC establishment seamless. The diligent editorial staff makes sure content is accurate, up-to-date information on topics like state-specific requirements, registered agents, and compliance. Steve's enthusiasm for entrepreneurship makes LLCBuddy an essential and trustworthy resource for launching and running an LLC.

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